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Hungary under Viktor Orbán

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This article is about Orbán's second premiership between 2010 and 2026. For his first premiership from 1998 to 2002, see First Orbán Government.
Viktor Orbán
Orbán in 2022
System of National Cooperation
Second premiership of Viktor Orbán
29 May 2010 – 9 May 2026[1]
President
CabinetSecond Orbán Government
Third Orbán Government
Fourth Orbán Government
Fifth Orbán Government
PartyFidesz
Election2010 · 2014 · 2018 · 2022
SeatCarmelite Monastery of Buda
Official website

The Orbán era (Hungarian: Orbán-korszak)[2][3][4] or Orbán system (Hungarian: Orbán-rendszer)[5] was the second period during the history of Hungary's modern Third Republic during which Viktor Orbán served as Prime Minister of Hungary. From 2010 to 2026, Orbán's Fidesz party enjoyed a supermajority in the National Assembly in a permanent coalition with the Christian Democrats (KDNP). This supermajority allowed the Fidesz–KDNP alliance to pass constitutional amendments without seeking support from other parliamentary parties. Over these sixteen years, Orbán's and Fidesz's ideology moved steadily to the right,[6] shifting the once-conservative-liberal, pro-European party toward Euroskepticism, right-wing populism, national conservatism, self-professed illiberalism,[7][8] and Christian nationalism.[9][10][11]

Fidesz used its parliamentary supermajority to enact wide-ranging constitutional and institutional changes that many observers characterized as constructing a hybrid regime that blended democracy with authoritarianism.[12][13] Clientelism and institutional capture played a key role in Orbán's governance strategy. Within Hungary, this strategy and the establishment it created are called the System of National Cooperation (Hungarian: Nemzeti Együttműködés Rendszere), usually abbreviated to NER.[14][15][16][17][18]

Background

Orbán first served as Prime Minister of Hungary between 1998 and 2002, and returned to office in 2010 after a landslide victory by his party, Fidesz, which, formally in coalition with the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP), secured a supermajority in the National Assembly.[19] This supermajority allowed Orbán's government to amend or replace key laws, restructure institutions, and redefine Hungary's political and economic framework. In July 2014, Orbán declared that Hungary was building an "illiberal state", inspired by countries such as Turkey and Russia, arguing that liberal democracy had failed to protect national sovereignty and Christian identity.[7][8]

Ideology and political model

The Orbán regime defined itself as an "illiberal state",[7][8] espousing Christian nationalism,[20][21][22] and rejecting liberalism in general and liberal democracy in particular, while Orbán's personal ideology and ideas are called Orbánism. Scholars commonly refer to it as competitive authoritarianism or electoral autocracy, where democratic institutions formally exist but are subverted to maintain power.[23] The regime emphasised:

Constitutional and institutional reforms

Following the 2010 election, Fidesz adopted a new constitution, which entered into force on 1 January 2012.[25] The reform restructured Hungary's state institutions:

The European Parliament and international watchdogs have stated that these changes weakened checks and balances and concentrated power in the executive.[29] A 2020 constitutional amendment defined the family as the union of a father who is a man and a mother who is a woman.[30][31][32] A 2025 constitutional amendment, the 15th adopted, declares that all Hungarians are either male or female, allows the government to strip dual nationals of their Hungarian citizenship if they are declared dangerous to the nation and enshrines the right to use cash.[33][34]

Media and civil society

Hungary's media landscape has become increasingly concentrated. Pro-government businessmen acquired most private outlets, later merging into the Central European Press and Media Foundation (KESMA) in 2018.[35] Independent outlets and NGOs report censorship, advertising boycotts, and political pressure.[36] The government also passed a "Transparency Law" in 2017 requiring foreign-funded NGOs to register as "foreign-supported," drawing comparisons to Russian foreign agent law. The Central European University relocated from Budapest to Vienna in 2019 after legal restrictions made its operation in Hungary impossible.[37]

Propaganda

Main article: Fidesz propaganda

The communication of Fidesz has been widely described as populist propaganda.[38][39][40]

Since Fidesz–KDNP's 2010 landslide victory, government-critical media was removed one-by-one through legal and financial means, while oligarchs close to the government have acquired outlets.[41] Hungary's public service broadcaster and other television channels and radio stations are united under the Media Services Support and Asset Management Fund (MTVA).[42]: 287–289  Meanwhile, 476 media outlets – 80% of all Hungarian media – are operated by the Central European Press and Media Foundation (KESMA), filled with Fidesz loyalists.[43]: 217  The media policy of the Orbán regime is based on limiting access to financial resources, undermining the independence of regulatory bodies, and hindering access to information of public interest.[42]: 283  As a result, Hungary experiences two parallel media systems: one directly or indirectly controlled by the government, and the other being independent.[44] Paid for by taxpayer money, Fidesz uses bought-up outlets, its social media empire, and outdoor advertising to spread manipulative and hostile disinformation.[43]: 211–212 

During the 2015 European migrant crisis, a smear campaign was launched by Fidesz against George Soros, and his alleged "Soros Plan" [hu] of uncontrolled migration. Billboards across the country claimed that he wanted to settle millions of Africans and Middle Easterners in Hungary. Meanwhile, the Orbán regime portrayed itself as the ones who are defending Hungary's national interests.[45]: 159–175  Migrants were depicted as terrorists who spread lethal diseases, threaten local culture, and rape women.[46] This campaign led to the 2016 migrant quota referendum,[43]: 222  the 2017 National Consultation [hu] about the "Soros Plan",[47] and the 2018 Stop Soros laws [hu].[48] The "weak West", the EU, the UN, and "the globalists" were accused of orchestrating a population exchange,[45]: 176  and were later blamed for exposing children to woke ideology, the promotion of homosexuality, and dangerous sex-change surgeries.[39] In 2021, the anti-LGBTQ law was enacted, a referendum was held next year about "sexual propaganda" in schools,[40]: 109  and Pride parades were banned in 2025.[49]

Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Fidesz's communication falsely accused the opposition, Brussels, European countries, and NATO members of dragging Hungary into war by seeking to send weapons and soldiers to Ukraine.[50]: 175–176  Painting Ukraine as the source of danger instead of Russia, Fidesz claimed that the opposition conspired with Volodymyr Zelenskyy to interfere with Hungarian elections.[39] The regime's rhetoric divides Hungarians into peace-lovers and warmongers,[50]: 176  and oppositional figures and organizations are labelled "pro-war".[41] The 2024 and 2026 elections were portrayed as a choice between World War III and peace.[51]: 10  Numerous Russian-style hostile smear campaigns were launched against Péter Magyar, leader of the Tisza Party and Orbán's main rival.[51]: 11  Tisza was accused of increasing taxes,[52] and accounts and organizations close to Fidesz released AI-generated videos discrediting him.[53][54]

Domestic policy

The Orbán government promotes an economic strategy known as Orbanomics, combining selective state intervention, tax cuts, and nationalist rhetoric. The Orbán government tried to negotiate an exemption from the strict European Union regulation setting a 3% limit on budget deficit. Since the request was declined, Hungary turned to taxation policies regarded as unorthodox by the international community to cover the deficit.[55][56] The key measures include a flat income tax and nationalisation of private pension funds, price controls on utilities and state oversight of key industries, extensive family policy, such as tax exemptions and loans to encourage childbirth and the controversial "slave law" of 2018, allowing up to 400 hours of annual overtime.[57] Supporters credit these policies for low unemployment and relative stability; critics argue they entrench clientelism and reward political loyalty.[58]

Approved reforms

Compulsory private pension funds were nationalised[59] which are estimated around $12,000,000,000 in total.[citation needed] This increased the liability of the government by, according to some estimates, about 15% of national output.[59]

A flat 15% income tax was introduced in 2010.[59]

"(The FX mortgage conversion) was one of many negative and controversial decisions from Budapest and many people still find their decision-making controversial. But you have to acknowledge that so far it has worked," said Marcus Svedberg, chief economist at asset manager East Capital.[60]

The Orbán government has implemented several policies intended to raise the birth rate and reduce the number of abortions and divorces.

In 2010, Hungary's birth rate was 1.25 children per woman in 2010 when Orbán first retook office, but by 2019 one year into his third term since his reelection it increased to 1.49 children per woman according to the World Bank.[61] The birth rate peaked in 2021 and started to decline in 2022 again.[62][63][64]

Orbán has claimed in the 2019 Hungarian State of the Nation speech that his family policies are a replacement for replacing a declining nation's population without immigration.[65]

Unapproved reforms

As part of its economical reforms, Fidesz started to draft the new version of the Tax Law for 2015. Minister of National Economy Mihály Varga announced the proposal on October 21.[66] According to the draft, Internet traffic would be taxed with a 150 Ft/GB rate irrespective of the type of data transmitted.[67] This resulted in 2014 Hungarian Internet tax protests and government dropped the idea of introducing this new tax.

Criticism

György Molnár, a workfare specialist at the Institute for Economics at the Hungarian Academy of Science, has argued the actual unemployment rate in Hungary was 7.3% instead of 4.2% in 2018, as close to 4% of the workforce participated in Hungary's workfare program, working for only for 1-2 hours a day and earning $175 a month, less than half of the minimum wage in Hungary. The New York Times also pointed to other issues such as increased corruption in Hungary, declining health care quality, and declining student achievement in reading, math and science as issues facing Hungary under Orbanomics. Factors outside of Hungary's control have also been used to explain part of the country's economic revival, such as EU funding constituting 4% of the country's GDP and global economic improvement.[68] Some[who?] have also pointed out that some aspects of Orbanomics being similar to the trickle-down effect have led to oligarchism.[citation needed]

Foreign policy and EU relations

Hungary remains a member of the European Union and NATO, but Orbán has pursued a sovereigntist and Eurosceptic foreign policy.[69] His government frequently clashes with the EU over judicial independence, migration, and LGBTQ+ rights. Budapest's relations with Brussels have been strained by the suspension of billions in EU funds under the rule-of-law conditionality mechanism.[70] At the same time, Orbán has deepened economic ties with China and Russia, including Chinese investment in battery and electric vehicle plants and the Budapest–Belgrade railway.[71] During the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Hungary condemned the attack but opposed energy sanctions and arms transfers, citing national interests.[72]

In April 2025, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visited Budapest, despite the ICC's arrest warrant for Netanyahu for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.[73] During the visit, the Hungarian government of Orbán announced that Hungary would withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC), describing it as "politically biased".[74][75]

Despite the anti-EU rhetoric from Orbán, Hungary under Orbán supports enlargement of the European Union with Serbia,[76][77] Albania,[78][79] Moldova,[80][81] Montenegro[82][83], North Macedonia,[84][85] Bosnia and Herzegovina,[86][87], Georgia[88][89] and Turkey.[90]

Leadership

Prime Ministers

No. Portrait Name
(Birth–Death) 		Term of office Party
Took office Left office Tenure
1 Viktor Orbán
(born 1963) 		29 May 2010 Incumbent 15 years, 346 days Fidesz

Presidents

No. Portrait Name
(Birth–Death) 		Term of office Party
Took office Left office Tenure
1 Pál Schmitt
(born 1942) 		6 August 2010 2 April 2012 1 year, 240 days Fidesz
— László Kövér
(born 1959)
acting 		2 April 2012 10 May 2012 38 days Fidesz
2 János Áder
(born 1959) 		10 May 2012 10 May 2022 10 years, 0 days Fidesz
3 Katalin Novák
(born 1977) 		10 May 2022 26 February 2024 1 year, 292 days Fidesz
— László Kövér
(born 1959)
acting 		26 February 2024 5 March 2024 8 days Fidesz
4 Tamás Sulyok
(born 1956) 		5 March 2024 Incumbent 2 years, 66 days Independent

Other senior officials

Portrait Name
(Birth–Death) 		Position(s) Party
Antal Rogán
(born 1972)
  • Minister of the Prime Minister's Cabinet Office (2015–)
  • Leader of the Fidesz parliamentary group (2012–2015)
 Fidesz
Gergely Gulyás
(born 1981)
  • Minister of the Prime Minister's Office (2018–)
 Fidesz
Zsolt Semjén
(born 1962) 		KDNP
János Lázár
(born 1975)
  • Minister of Construction and Transport (2022–)
  • Minister of the Prime Minister's Office (2014–2018)
  • Leader of the Fidesz parliamentary group (2010–2012)
 Fidesz
Tibor Navracsics
(born 1966) 		Fidesz
→
KDNP

Cabinets

Cabinet Head
(Prime Minister) 		Deputy head(s) Term of office Party(s) Parliamentary
support
Formed Dissolved Tenure
Government of National Cooperation Viktor Orbán Zsolt Semjén
Tibor Navracsics
29 May
2010
6 June
2014 		4 years, 8 days Fidesz
KDNP 		Supermajority
(except 2015–2018)
Third Orbán Government Zsolt Semjén
6 June
2014
18 May
2018 		3 years, 346 days
Fourth Orbán Government Zsolt Semjén
Mihály Varga
Sándor Pintér
18 May
2018
24 May
2022 		4 years, 6 days
Fifth Orbán Government Zsolt Semjén
24 May
2022
9 May
2026 		3 years, 351 days

Criticism and assessments

Main article: Criticism of Fidesz
Countries autocratizing (red) or democratizing (blue) substantially and significantly (2010–2020). Countries in grey are substantially unchanged.[91] Hungary was during this decade one of the countries with the most democratic backsliding.

International organisations, including Freedom House, Reporters Without Borders, and the European Parliament, have cited Hungary for democratic backsliding and media capture.[92][93] Supporters argue that Orbán's policies reflect democratic will, uphold Christian values, and restore order after decades of liberal mismanagement.[94]

Critics of the Orbán regime argue that Hungary has experienced a systemic decline in democratic standards and institutional integrity since 2010. Independent observers and international watchdogs have documented the erosion of judicial independence, as court appointments and administrative oversight increasingly fall under political control, limiting checks on executive authority. The government's capture of media and business sectors has also drawn concern, with a vast network of pro-government outlets and loyal business elites dominating public discourse and the economy. Furthermore, analysts note manipulation of electoral rules and campaign resources, including redistricting and the use of state media for partisan advantage, which have contributed to the entrenchment of Fidesz's political dominance. Widespread allegations of corruption and nepotism point to the concentration of public contracts and European Union funds among allies of the ruling party, reinforcing what Transparency International and the European Parliament describe as "state capture". In addition, the Orbán government has been accused of restricting academic freedom and minority rights, including legislative measures targeting universities, NGOs, and the LGBTQ+ community, which critics view as undermining pluralism and human rights protections in Hungary.[95]

Legacy and influence

The Orbán regime has influenced right-wing populist movements across Europe and the United States, often cited as a prototype of "illiberal democracy".[96] Orbán continuously remained in power for 16 years through four consecutive supermajority victories (2010, 2014, 2018, and 2022) until his defeat in the 2026 Hungarian parliamentary election to Péter Magyar. Despite economic challenges and tensions with the EU, his control over Hungary's institutions and political narrative were strong.[97]

See also

Notes

References

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  • Grzymała-Busse, Anna (2019). "How Populists Rule: The Consequences for Democratic Governance". Polity. 51 (4): 707–717. doi:10.1086/705573.
  • Scheiring, Gábor (2020). The Retreat of Liberal Democracy: Authoritarian Capitalism and the Accumulative State in Hungary. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Krekó, Péter; Enyedi, Zsolt (2022). "Orbán's Laboratory of Illiberalism". Journal of Democracy. 33 (3): 45–59. doi:10.1353/jod.2022.0043.
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  • Nerflix, collection of investigative videos relating to NER
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